The Women Change Worlds blog of the Wellesley Centers for Women (WCW) encourages WCW scholars and colleagues to respond to current news and events; disseminate research findings, expertise, and commentary; and both pose and answer questions about issues that put women's perspectives and concerns at the center of the discussion.

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“There is nothing unique about Epstein or his crimes”

Content warning: This blog post discusses human trafficking and the commercial sexual exploitation of children.

Kate Price headshotUntangling the conspiracy theories and daily breaking news about Jeffrey Epstein is complicated. What is not complicated is understanding, at its core, there is nothing unique about Epstein or his crimes. The calculated and systematic nature of how he raped hundreds of girls is exactly how the commercial sexual exploitation of children (CSEC) operates: in plain sight with individuals in power helping perpetuate its harms.

These insidious dynamics are neither new nor novel; they are how perpetrators have always exploited the vulnerable and voiceless. Epstein insulated himself by having others—usually women like his accomplice Ghislaine Maxwell and victims—recruit girls for him; he used a plea bargain, which is a tactic many sex traffickers and buyers utilize to evade prosecution for child sex trafficking, resulting in low child sex trafficking conviction rates. He is a predator prototype.

So while Epstein’s actions are not unique, what is unique is how this prototypical CSEC case has been politically weaponized. Historically, CSEC has been a bipartisan issue, as evidenced by the plethora of Republican- and Democrat-backed federal and state statutes addressing CSEC issues, including increasing jail time for child sex traffickers and providing trafficking-specific victim services.

So how did we get to the point where CSEC is fueling our country’s deeply-rooted political divide? One side has molded their political identities around the belief that a “deep state” controls a pedophile ring, while the other is entrenched in a guilt-by-association assertion that Epstein’s high-profile friends were either involved in or enabled his crimes.

One thing we can all agree on in America, on all sides of the political spectrum, is that anyone who traffics and/or rapes a child deserves to be punished to the fullest extent of the law. We can also agree that we need to do more to stop people like Jeffrey Epstein and Ghislaine Maxwell before more children are harmed. Epstein, Maxwell, and their clientele were able to use privilege and power to escape accountability for their crimes. Less than ten percent of reported child sexual abuse cases result in a perpetrator conviction or guilty plea.

We must end this political divide, and the attendant wealth and power of Epstein’s ilk must not distract us from the real story. It is one that I am familiar with, as a social scientist who researches CSEC and as a survivor of childhood sexual exploitation. Getting lost in all the conspiracy theories about Epstein, the clamoring for the release of the Epstein files, and the focus on the Maxwell grand jury materials is the reality that multiple victims have lost their lives in the aftermath of being groomed and abused by Epstein and Maxwell, while most perpetrators have remained free to abuse countless additional children.

A key element of power is the ability to hide the truth of what is happening. Such obfuscation is the sine qua non of trauma in general, and sexual abuse in particular. Exploitation thrives in relationships of stark power imbalance: In my case, I was a child and depended on my father for survival. For Epstein and Maxwell’s victims, many were poor with limited educational access, had experienced child sexual abuse prior to this exploitation, and/or came from fraught family living situations.

To keep victims from talking, perpetrators tell them they will not be believed. Victim-blaming tropes proliferate in the culture and instill doubt, which denigrates those brave enough to speak out. Predators thrive on society’s propensity to blame and dehumanize victims; denying their reality downplays and dilutes perpetrators’ heinous crimes.

Like Epstein, my father was a sociopathic, narcissistic pedophile. He sexually abused and trafficked me to truckers at rest areas along a highway near our home in northern Appalachia from a very early age until he left our family when I was 12. While my path from CSEC victim to researcher and advocate may be unique, my experience of being excoriated for telling the truth mirrors those violated and exploited by Epstein and Maxwell. Despite securing corroborating evidence that my father exploited me, most of my family is convinced I'm lying, refusing to believe that my father could have done something so unthinkable. Jeffrey Epstein, Ghislaine Maxwell, and my father all knew exactly what they were doing by relying upon their power and deceit to hide and minimize their culpability.

By refusing to engage in political opposition around this issue, and supporting (rather than blaming) victims, individuals from both sides of the aisle can quell the partisan smokescreen being used to muddy the stark reality of CSEC: children are bought, sold, and traded for sex every day by adults from all political affiliations.

The responsibility lies with us to stop using CSEC as a political cudgel, and to engage in a reckoning as a way to help survivors. First, we must believe victims, and recognize the techniques perpetrators like my father and Epstein use to dehumanize and disbelieve victims. In addition, we must be able to spot the perverse dynamics of trauma that try to blame victims for their own abuse, enabling perpetrators to continue to traffic children and take the focus away from their crimes. Third, we must accept the possibility that trusted members of our communities and families may be hiding behind a “he would never do that” ruse and are, in fact, capable of sexually abusing children.

Lastly, we can use our power—as relatives, jurors, constituents, elected officials—to change the rules of what a “prototypical” child sex trafficking case looks like. Otherwise, predators will continue to use our division and silence to their advantage. If it takes a village to raise a child, it also takes a village to sexually exploit a child.

Kate Price, Ph.D., is an associate research scientist at the Wellesley Centers for Women, where she studies family-controlled commercial sexual exploitation of children and state-level child sex trafficking policy.
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Why Didn’t You Just Leave? and Other Unanswerable Questions for My Mother

Content warning: This blog post talks about human trafficking and commercial sexual exploitation of a child.

Kate PriceKate Price (right) and her mother (left) in 1985.

I despise the question “Why didn’t they just leave?” As an anti-human trafficking advocate, I know that question, when asked of victims of human trafficking or gender-based violence, often reveals more about the inquisitor’s lack of understanding than a victim’s reasoning. In my experience, anyone who can ask that question has the privilege of never having been entangled within the dynamics of interpersonal violence. I am grateful for research that explains the complicated factors faced by people making the stay-leave decision: fear of being killed; economic dependence; self-blame; charming perpetrators promising it will never happen again; shame; lack of affordable, stable housing; and on and on and on.

But this time I am the person asking the question. I recently learned my late mother knew my father was commercially sexually exploiting me as a child. When I was 5, my mother caught my father selling me for sex via CB radio in our backyard garage. My mother and I did leave, but returned after a week. My sense is my mother thought he had stopped, but he just got more secretive. Instead of holding parties in our garage, he began taking me to a nearby rest area along the major highway that ran past our house to meet his trucker clientele. The trafficking continued for seven more years, until my father left when I was 12 to marry his mistress.

My blood runs cold as I write that last sentence. Turning my blood to ice is my body’s way of confirming excruciating details of the violence I endured. I am still wrapping my head around the fact my mother knew and we stayed. We stayed. I only learned these details about a month ago while investigating my history in my hometown. My mother swore a family friend to secrecy just before she died.

I rationalize my mother’s actions as terror that I would be put into foster care if anyone had discovered the truth. While that fear may have been part of her calculus, I wish I could ask my mother how and why she made the decisions she did: Did my father threaten to kill us if we left again or if you told anyone? He was a sadist: he found great pleasure in harming and humiliating us. My survival always felt tied to his presence, mood, and blood alcohol level. I learned from an early age how to please him to stay alive. My first sentence was “Where’s Daddy?” Her resolve to keep me breathing feels like the one answer I could square. But I can’t ask her since she died from cancer 29 years ago.

Why didn’t you tell me you knew even when your cancer became terminal? This is another question I wish I could ask. My sense is my mother hoped I would leave our small Appalachian hometown and never look back after I graduated from college six months after she died. Her dying wish was for me to go to graduate school in Boston. She did not want my life to look like hers. She even waited to tell me her final bone marrow transplant did not work until after I had left for my senior year. Had she told me sooner, she would have had to risk me staying.

I believe banishment was her answer because as a girl, she dreamed of escaping her violent family by going to business school in Hawaii. But her abusive father told her she could learn everything at her textile factory job that she could learn in college. So, my mother fled her family home by marrying immediately after high school. My father turned out to be even more dangerous.

What my mother could not have understood, though, was that no “better place” exists. Sure, the 300 miles between my hometown and Boston, as well as New England’s cultural norms supporting women’s educational and financial independence, allowed me to build the life she always dreamed for me. But the education she demanded I earn taught me interpersonal violence and systemic barriers to safety are ubiquitous.

While I will never know my mother’s answers to these questions, I do know her keeping me alive gave me a future, if not a childhood. For that reason, I am determined to use my skills as a research scientist to disrupt the cycles of child abuse, gender-based violence, and exploitation that know no borders. I now do human trafficking trainings and advocacy work in my hometown because the systems that enabled my trafficking as a child still exist. As a mother myself now, I am grateful I can be the woman I needed as a girl.

Kate Price, Ph.D., is a visiting scholar at the Wellesley Centers for Women, where she is completing a writing project on the commercial sexual exploitation of children in Appalachia.

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Dispelling “violence against women and children” myths in human trafficking

New York Times columnist and anti-trafficking advocate Nicholas Kristof recently opened January’s Human Trafficking Awareness month with a Google+ Hangout entitled, “What does 2014 hold for the fight against modern-day slavery?” My answer is the need to dispel myths about sexual violence against women and children within the anti-trafficking movement so that we can all work effectively and sustainably toward ending exploitation. I hold little hope for truly ending human trafficking unless we understand the systemic nature of violence against women and children.

I strongly believe human trafficking and sexual slavery are a manifestation and continuation of interpersonal and systemic violence. For instance, the top two risk factors for sexual exploitation are a history of child sexual abuse and poverty. Yet, International Justice Mission founder and President Gary Haugen argued that an environment of impunity, not violence, is to blame:

[S]lavery is first and foremost a violent crime…and if you were to look at any other crime that would take place in our community that’s violent – let’s say rape – we would of course want to change those attitudes. We would of course want to make sure that the streets were well lit. We would want to make sure that women knew how to walk safely and avoid dangerous areas. But you would start, absolutely, that people who committed sexual assaults actually went to jail for it. You are more likely to get struck by lightning than go to jail for committing that violent crime.

Utilizing such “rape myths” like the need for well-lit streets and women’s ability to walk safely perfectly illustrates Haugen’s limited understanding of sexual violence: the majority of sexual assault survivors know their assailants and most rapes occur at home.

“Law enforcement is absolutely a critical component,” said Rachel Lloyd, trafficking survivor and founder of Girls Educational & Mentoring Services (GEMS), “but it isn’t the only component…and it won’t be the thing that long-term changes the issue.”

We will not end human trafficking and slavery unless we understand the very nature of violence and how it permeates our culture. Among industrialized nations, the U.S. has the worst record of death from violence and child death from abuse and neglect. We have the second-highest incidence of child poverty. Estimates across various surveys suggest one in every four girls and one in four boys in this country are sexually abused, 90 percent of them by either a family member or someone they know and trust. We have created the “perfect storm” for trafficking.

We also must acknowledge how violence is perpetuated. We often overlook that most of the few exploiters who have been studied report a history of child sexual abuse. Men who buy sex also report histories of sexual abuse and describe themselves as “sex addicts.” Abused children can repeat the violation throughout their lives, often within gendered norms, according to trauma expert Bssel van der Kolk, M.D. Abused boys can re-victimize, thus fulfilling the masculine imperative of being dominant and in control, while abused girls can go on to form relational attachments with victimizing boys or men.

If we are to stop human trafficking we must prioritize healing the wounds of abused boys through comprehensive, trauma-informed care over jailing angry, isolated men who become traffickers. We must focus on ensuring abused girls have economic opportunity based on intellect rather than equating their worth with their bodies. I am not arguing we sympathize with offenders because they have been abused. However, I am saying that jailing exploiters and solicitors will not stop trafficking: cycles of child sexual abuse and poverty are the fuel that keeps the engine running. We need to empty the gas line.

Kate Price, M.A., project associate at the Jean Baker Miller Training Institute (JBMTI) at the Wellesley Centers for Women (WCW), is also a social scientist in the cultural construction of childhood. As a survivor of the commercial sexual exploitation of children (CSEC), Price authored a chapter in the textbook, Global Perspectives on Prostitution and Sex Trafficking: Europe, Latin America, North America, and Global (Lexington Books) and a JBMTI working paper, Longing to Belong: Relational Risks and Resilience of Commercially Sexually Exploited Children, examining CSEC through a Relational-Cultural Theory lens.

 

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Children's Rights Are Human Rights

june4blogpic handsThe United Nations General Assembly proclaimed June 4th as International Day of Innocent Children Victims of Aggression(resolution ES-7/8)in 1982 to recognize the “physical, mental, and emotional abuse” many of the world’s children endure. Unfortunately, we even need to have a day to acknowledge such horrific tragedies. According to the Children’s Defense Fund every day in America:

- Every 30 seconds during the school year a public school student is corporally punished;
- Every 47 seconds a child is confirmed as abused or neglected;
- Every seven hours a child is killed by abuse or neglect.

Yet, even reading these statistics, we may have become desensitized or rationalize that these realities only exist for particular communities. Stereotypes place such brutality specifically in “urban neighborhoods” (often read: Latino and/or Black communities) or low-income areas. However, additional CDF statistics confirm:

blogpullquoteChildrensRights- Every 58 seconds during the school year a Latino public school student is corporally punished, every 57 seconds for Black students, and 48 seconds for White students;
- Every day, 402 Latino, 360 Black, and 797 White children are confirmed as abused or neglected;
- Every day, one Latino, one Black, and one White child is killed by abuse or neglect.

The long-term social and health effects of childhood abuse and neglect are poignantly illustrated by the Adverse Childhood Experiences Study (ACE Study). The study, sponsored by the Centers for Disease Control and a California HMO, found that one in four f the 17,000+ middle-income subjects had endured at least one of the “adverse” categories (i.e. abuse, neglect, divorce, household substance abuse or mental illness). Furthermore, one in eight people had experienced four or moretypes, which led to graded risks for health conditions such as depression, substance abuse, heart and liver disease.

Luckily, thanks in large part to such empirical evidence as the ACE Study, as a culture we are beginning to understand and to accept that childhood trauma deeply affects our daily lives. We are also increasingly acknowledging how trauma deeply affects adults which, with proper treatment and support, can act as violence prevention in our families and communities.

For instance, a soldier returning home with Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder (PTSD) and his family can now receive support, whereas this wasn’t always the case. Actor Patrick Stewart recently eloquently spoke out at comic book convention about surviving domestic violence as a child of a WWII veteran father who suffered from what was then referred to as “shellshock.” Blogger Heather Skye had acknowledged Stewart during a convention panel for his recent speech at Amnesty International against domestic violence, while also identifying herself as a domestic violence survivor. Stewart’s emotional reply implored that violence is “never” the answer, and that “men can stop domestic violence.”

As adults, we are charged with protecting children. We know this is the “right” thing to do, and yet, we can often get caught up in protecting only “our” children: members of our families, our communities, our schools, and our places of worship. But for children who were born to parents who cannot keep them safe--children who have (to paraphrase Warren Buffett) lost the biological lottery--we must also take responsibility for keeping them safe. All too often, violence remains a “private family matter.”

On this International Day of Innocent Children Victims of Aggression, I am making the plea that the United States take a big step forward in keeping all children safe by endorsing the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child, which only the United States, Somalia, and South Sudan have not ratified. Yes, such documents are often viewed as “only a piece of paper.” However, I believe there is power in taking a public stand as a country, especially when one signature proclaims that the United States supports protecting and ensuring children's rights and they have agreed to hold themselves accountable for this commitment before the international community.” All children deserve such a vow.

Kate Price, M.A., project associate at the Jean Baker Miller Training Institute (JBMTI) at the Wellesley Centers for Women (WCW), is also a social scientist in the cultural construction of childhood. As a survivor of childhood sexual exploitation, Price authored a chapter in the textbook, Global Perspectives on Prostitution and Sex Trafficking: Europe, Latin America, North America, and Global (Lexington Books), examining child prostitution through a Relational-Cultural Theory lens. An audio recording of her March 2012 WCW seminar, “Longing to Belong: Relational Risks and Resilience in U.S. Prostituted Children,” is available online, and a copy of her recent working paper by the same title is available through WCW Publications.

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Views expressed on the Women Change Worlds blog are those of the authors and do not represent the views of the Wellesley Centers for Women or Wellesley College nor have they been authorized or endorsed by Wellesley College.

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